Essay assignment for PS1101E

This is an essay assignment for the module PS1101: Introduction to Politics. 

Prompt: In post independent Singapore, there has never been any major street level protest or rebellion against the state, with the result that Singapore has enjoyed a remarkable degree of political stability and social order. What do you think  explains this absence of protests or rebellions?  Discuss by drawing on theories, concepts, or models you have learnt thus far.

Singapore enjoys a relatively high GDP per capital (Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 2012) and is considered one of the best countries to live in (Kekic, 2012) due to various determinants, such as low rates of crime and corruption. Despite these factors, research suggest that Singapore is one of the unhappiest nations globally as Singaporeans are least likely to report feeling positive emotions (Clifton, 2012). An article suggests that conflict will ensue as a result of unhappiness due to various reasons (Peace Pledge Union, n.d.). Given the statistics, there should be conflictual rebellions and protests (R&P) occuring amongst Singaporeans. However, there is relatively absence of R&P in Singapore (Han, 2012). Why is there an absence of R&P in Singapore? I will discuss Karl Marx’s concept of ideological domination to explain the absence of R&P in Singapore, as opposed to Mancur Olson’s game theory and the state’s coercive functions as argued by Charles Tilly.

I contend that ideological domination (ID), which is  further perpetuated by habitual compliance, is the key factor for the absence of R&P in Singapore. Ideological domination is defined as “controlling the minds of the otherwise rebellious subordinate classes by leading [them] into believing in…the legitimacy or naturalness of the prevailing exploitative capitalist system” (Nishizaki(A), n.d.).

This essay examines two sources of ID, specifically material benefits and national identity in Singapore. Fostering a strong sense of national identity can be identified through local institutions. This essay discusses national identity as evident in a) schools and b) religion and politics. In primary and secondary schools, Singapore mandates the reciting of the National Pledge (Wei & Saparudin, n.d.). Since the introduction of the Compulsory Education Act in 2003 (Ministry of Education(A), n.d.), every child are required to attend formal education at primary and lower secondary level. Every child would thus learn the National Pledge and made to internalize elements of the Pledge,  such as “build a democratic society” and “achieve happiness, prosperity… for our nation” (Wei & Saparudin, n.d.) for an extended period. Moreover, there is a strong focus on nurturing individuals to care for the family and nation, such as “Civics and Moral Education” and “Character and Citizenship Education” (Ministry of Education(B), n.d.) in mainstream school curriculum. Values from both the National Pledge and school curriculum may become internalized by school students, thus instilling a sense of false consciousness, that is,  the false idea that the capitalist system is legitimate (Nishizaki(A), 2014), in students. As such, the state has successfully led students to believe in the importance of family unity, creating in peace in society and helping Singapore prosper instead of R&P against the capitalist system itself. Emeritus Senior Minister (Tan, n.d.) Goh Chok Tong’s proposition of a “Shared Values” framework in 1991 serve as a key ideology in which various religious faiths adopt. Some of these values include “Nation before community and society above self” and “Consensus, not conflict”, all of which serve as ideological underpinnings for the beliefs of main religious (Christianity, Buddhism, Hinduism and Islam) groups. According to Pew Research (2014), Singapore score highest on the Religious Diversity Index with only 16% of the population without religious affiliation. Clearly, a majority of Singaporeans are exposed to religious teachings underpinned by the ideological framework. Similar to education,  majority of civilians who are devoted followers may internalize the “Shared Values” ideology and develop a false consciousness that the state wants instilled in civilians because of a strong association to religion as part of their social identity. Such false consciousness compels civilians not to R&P against the state.

The provision of material benefits given to Singaporeans by the state is another form of ID. This essay examines the provision of material benefits through state-issued subsidies for low-income individuals. For example, the Community Health Assist Scheme (CHAS) scheme under the Ministry of Health aims to help lower-income Singaporean families cope with rising costs of healthcare (Community Health Assist Scheme, n.d.). Initially, these families may be unhappy and blame the state for their low-income situation. However, the provision of state help through subsidies such as CHAS makes the lower-income individuals become satisfied with the state. This creates false consciousness amongst individuals, making them believe in state legitimacy and impeling them not to R&P against the state.

As conceptualized by Michael Foucault, the continual delivering of national identity and material benefits may result in the phenomenon of habitual compliance amongst Singaporeans to refrain from R&P(Nishizaki(B), 2014). There is constant reiteration of national identity through yearly traditions, such as Singapore’s National Day Parade, and local television productions focusing on family unity and peace (Ministry of Social and Family development, 2014). In the provision of material benefits, such practices are observed in every sector. No matter where we belong or what jobs we do, we still receive the same benefits. This reinforcement of material benefits compels us to believe in the legitimacy of the state and impel us not to R&P. In conclusion, the absence of R&P in Singapore is due to ideological domination that is further perpetuated by habitual compliance through various levels that surround every individual.

Another reason for the absence of R&P in Singapore is due to the coercive functions of the state. State formation, consisting of the extractive, regulative and coercive functions,  occurred as a result of war preparation (Nishizaki(B), 2014). In Singapore, the extractive function is executed through practices such as the yearly payment of income tax (financial resources) and mandated conscription of Singaporean males into National Service (human resources). Successful extraction of resources required the state’s regulation of civilians. Regulatory practices, such as the issuing of identification cards, passports, as well as assigned housing addresses, is evident in Singapore. To deter civilians from R&P against the extractive and regulative functions, the coercive function was introduced to locate and punish non-compliant civilians.

There are two attributes of this coercive function. The first attribute is the formation of states bodies like the judiciary system and the police force. Tilly (1990) contends that the formation of “uniformed salaried, bureaucratic police forces” (p.76) was resultant from the necessity for civilians to ensure timely payment of monetary goods without resistance. These systems serve to maintain order and deter crimes that may result in R&P. Governmental and state bodies, such as the Singapore Police Force and the Singapore Armed Forces (SAF),  exist in Singapore to ensure orderly behavior amongst civilians. Legal sanctions, such as the Penal Code, mandate the criminalization of undesired behaviors such as unlawful assembly resulting in R&P (Attorney General’s Chambers, 2007).

The second attribute, according to Tilly (1990), involves “[making] it criminal … for most civilians to bear arms… made it seem normal for armed agents of the state to confront unarmed civilians” (p. 69). Under the Arms Offences Act in Singapore, individuals are required to be licensed for possession of arms whereas only members of certain state institutions, such as the SAF, can carry arms without licenses (Attorney General’s Chambers(B), 2008). As the state established control and monopoly over means of violence, civilians are deterred from R&P due to their lack of means of force as well as fear of legal sanctions. To extend this argument, the concept of an “Iron Cage” by Max Weber is considered. According to Weber the bureaucratization and regulation of the state will control our lives (Nishizaki(B), n.d.). This results in the standardization of compliant behavior across civilians, which may likely lead to the absence of R&P.

However, the coercive functions of Singapore is not sufficient to account for the absence of R&P. According to the assistant commissioner of police Ng Guat Ting (2014), there was a drop in crime rates to 29,668 cases in 2013 from 31,015 cases in 2012 due to an “increased awareness and education of crime” instead of emphasis on physical punishments (Kwara, 2014). Awareness and education, by definition, are neither tools of physical nor legal coercion. Instead, ideological domination is evident as individuals are constantly educated on the causes and consequences of crime. Through this constant reinforcement, individuals may internalize crime as something incompatible with their character and possibly, may refrain from criminal behavior which could result in R&P. Hence, I contend that ID is still the key factor to account for the absence of R&P in Singapore, as opposed to the coercive functions of the state.   

The concept of game theory (Olson, 1965., as cited in Nishizaki(B), 2014) is another factor that explains the absence of R&P. Collective action, through the cooperation of the majority or all of involved citizens, is essential for a R&P to occur. The benefits of successful R&P are in nature non-excludable and non-divisible, so uninvolved citizens can reap the benefits from a successful R&P too. Due to the nature of the benefits, the rationality of people may prevent them from working collectively, thus resulting in the dilemma known as collective action problem. The assumption of humans as rational beings asserts self-centredness and benefit-maximising tendencies as key attributes of rationality. Thus, people may decide, strategically, whether to become involve in collective action to start a rebellion or not. This essay attempts to apply game theory to unhappiness of education system amongst Singapore students.

Singaporean students often complain about the characteristics of Singapore’s education system, such as rote learning, as placing undue emphasis on academic grades just to secure well-paying careers,  instead of on keen interest or passion in knowledge (Lay, 2012; Matthews, 2013). According to game theory, an ideal world would be one in which a majority of students would cooperate and protest for education reforms. However, the rationality of Singaporean students would result in two other scenarios.The first scenario dictates that I, as a student, participate in the collective action (CA) and protest but other students do not. If the CA succeeds, education reforms will occur and every student benefits regardless of participation. The issue of free-rider problem, then, becomes evident. If the CA fails, I may be subjected to legal sanctions whereas uninvolved students will not be affected. In another scenario, other students participate in the CA to protest whereas I do not. If the CA succeeds, I stand to gain despite non-participation. If the CA fails, students who participated suffer sanctions from the state whereas I do not due to non-participation. In considering the above two scenarios as well as the rational nature of humans, every individual would desire for the second scenario, and shun the first scenario. This would finally result in the collective action problem whereby every student do not participate protesting for education reforms, thus resulting in the absence of R&P in Singapore.

In recent times, however, there is CPF protests by bloggers Roy Ngerng and Han Hui Hui (Mokhtar, 2014). According to Opp (2001), a critique of the game theory states that Olson overemphasizes material benefits and neglects social benefits that can result from successful CA and political protests. As such, these series of CPF protest that happened could have been attributed to Han Hui Hui’s motivation by social benefits, such as opportunities to get citizens’ attention (Opp, 2001) in addition to the material benefits of getting back CPF contributions. Moreover, these CPF protests may have actually occurred due to  ID. The protesters champion for the return of CPF funds from the government, instead of protesting against the capitalist system itself. It is noted that these protesters are ultimately operating within the capitalist system to get their material benefits as mentioned earlier. This is indicative of a false consciousness prevalent amongst the protesters. Thus, I contend that ID still serve as a key factor to account for the absence of R&P in Singapore, as opposed to Olson’s game theory. 

CONCLUSION

This essay examines the absence of R&P in Singapore due to ideological domination, coercive functions of the state and game theory. Key ideas in each concept are discussed, and critiques in game theory and the coercive functions of the state are highlighted. However,  I assert that ideological domination is the key reason for the absence of R&P because it can account for the critiques of  the other two concepts.

Reference

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